The protracted conflict between arabs and jews constitutes the second context that has influenced the historiography of arab responses to fascism and nazism this context's relevance--at times more implicit than explicit--stems from the relations between zionists and arabs before the israeli state's establishment in 1948. In many ways, israel is the giver and the us is the receiver statements made by, and the conduct of, israel's leaders since 1993 create the false impression that israeli-american ties constitute a one-way relationship. The ideology of the israelis is different from the arabs in many ways they have different views on religion, politics, and the way society should be ran in general the arabs and israelis had several chances to call a truce, but arabs turned down every chance. Golda meir, prime minister of israel from 1969 to 1974, once joked that in israel, there are 3 million prime ministers the particular version of proportional representation used, in which the whole country is a single constituency, encourages the formation of a large number of political parties, many with very specialized platforms, and often advocating the tenets of particular interest-groups.
Jews in the two countries also have different political ideologies: about half of us jews (49%) identify as politically liberal in an american context, while only 8% of israeli jews place themselves on the left of the israeli political spectrum. An analysis of the ideology of the israelis which is different from the arabs in many ways pages 1 words 516 view full essay more essays like this. Ideologically, palestinians are those arabs who believe in the palestinian ideology (which can be summed up as simply anti-zionism, claiming that israel should be destroyed and the land returned to the bosom of the arab empire.
But in many ways, the two sectors live in separate societies — attending different schools, living in different cities, reading different newspapers and espousing different political ideals. The view was much different when israel established its occupation of palestine in 1948 of the ihra in many ways is have been mistreated at the hands of racism and ideology and the jews. In many ways this study is anchored in the vast literature on identity formation and consolidation, and the role of the state (education institutions) in constructing and cementing a linear narrative of belonging to the land.
At the same time, israelis, both jews and arabs, who question israel's actions face a severe backlash, frequently being labeled as traitors juxtaposing the career trajectories of benny morris and ilan pappé is useful for understanding how israeli society has responded to those who stray too far from the zionist fold. The intercommunal conflict in mandatory palestine was the civil, political and armed struggle between palestinian arabs and jewish yishuv during the british rule in mandatory palestine, beginning from the violent spillover of the franco-syrian war in 1920 and until the onset of the 1948 arab-israeli war. In his analysis of the growing distance between american jews and israel—of which he is guardedly skeptical—barnett focuses on the friction between two different perspectives within the community: on the one hand, the brand of cosmopolitanism and/or prophetic judaism embraced by the non-orthodox majority and, on the other hand. Here are a few stories concerning the interface between education and political ideology i take them from the annals of israeli/zionist education, but one can certainly find other examples worldwide.
The ideology of the israelis is different from the arabs in many ways they have different views on religion, politics, and the way society should be ran in general the arabs and israelis had several chances to call a truce, but arabs turned down every chance in 1948, the un was going to divide. Culturally, there exists a disparity between 'the secular, nationalized jewish identity of many israelis, especially of the ashkenazi elite, and the synagogue based, ethno-religious identity of diaspora us [and british] jews' 31 31 gold, from nationality to peoplehood, 337.
As a result about 700,000 arabs living in israel fled many left because of the war, and many did because they were told by arab leaders to leave the jewish areas the idea was that they would return once the jews and their state had been destroyed. The ideology of the israelis is different from the arabs in many ways the arabs and israelis had several chances to call a truce, but arabs turned down every chance even though israel was proclaimed a state, arabs refused to accept this. Israeli arabs began to change in their perception of the desirable size of a family back in the 1960s, and the average number of children per arab woman has fallen from nine or more to an average.